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Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance |  | Author: Professor James C. Scott
Publisher: Yale University Press
Category: Book
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Rating:  13 reviews
Sales Rank: 67331
Media: Paperback
Pages: 392
Number Of Items: 1
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.5
Dimensions (in): 9.1 x 6.1 x 1.1
ISBN: 0300036418
Dewey Decimal Number: 322.4409595
EAN: 9780300036411
ASIN: 0300036418
Publication Date: September 10, 1987
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Showing reviews 1-5 of 13
 summary April 23, 2010
S. Boyle
Weapons of the Weak is an ethnography that discusses the lives of the people who live in a small town that is located in Malaysia. James Scott discusses the struggle that exists between the rich and the poor within this community. This ethnography also discusses the impact that the Green Revolution has had on these people and how the introduction of double-cropping has significantly changed their lives.
Sedaka is the name given to this Malaysian village by James Scott. The village is very small and consists of only seventy households. It is a "rice-farming community in the main paddy-growing area of Kedah, which had begun double-cropping in 1972. As in so many other "green revolutions" the rich have gotten richer and the poor have remained poor or grown poorer. The introduction of huge combine harvesters in 1976 was perhaps the coup de grace, as it eliminated two-thirds of the wage-earning opportunities for smallholders and landless laborers (Scott, xvii)." The green revolution introduced new farming methods to agriculture such as fertilization, new improved irrigation systems, pesticides and machines. It was an application of capitalism to methods of farming. The introduction of these new practices led to an increase in the food supply, however these new seeds had to be purchased on the world market and therefore had to be sold on the market. The machines led to more farmers being unemployed and the pesticides began to kill off the wildlife. Even though this new method of farming led to a dramatic increase in production, it wasn't benefitting the entire community. While the rich continued to make money, the poor continued to struggle to make ends meet. "Combine-harvesters could and did threaten the main sources of wage-labor earnings for the low-income families in the village (Scott, 115)." However, double cropping didn't seem to be too bad for the village at first. The peasants fixed up their houses, bought bicycles, celebrated special occasions more lavishly and even treated themselves to different things such as jewelry and clothing. It was when production costs continued to increase and wages weren't getting any higher, that the peasants really began to feel the blow of this new revolution.
The people of Sedaka have many rituals within their community. One of these rituals is the giving of gifts between the rich and the poor. There are three types of gift giving, which are part of the Muslim religion. They are zakat perbadi, sedekah and kenduri. The zakat is the giving of alms to the poor, it is one of the five pillars of Islam. "After noting that Islam does not discourage the faithful from becoming rich, it asserts that the rich have an obligation to share a portion of their wealth with those who are poor and without property, and it quotes an injunction from the Koran: "And those who store up gold and silver and do not follow the path of Allah, let them know with the sharpest torment." The purpose of zakat, it continues, is not only to discourage stinginess but to promote social harmony among the rich and the poor (Scott, 171)." Although there are those within the community who take advantage of these alms, or those who don't give anything to the poor, most people are generous and thankful and this creates a peace when there is usually a struggle between the two groups. Whereas zakat is tied to the harvest sedekah is not. It is a collection that is made from house to house. An example of this in the ethnography was when people donated money to Razak when his daughter died, in order to help cover the funeral costs. The third type of gift giving in the community is kenduri which is a meal that is sponsored by a family and offered to a number of guests. They are usually offered when a special occasion is occurring such as a wedding. These rituals unite the rich and the poor when there are so many other problems within the community that are constantly separating them.
As for the government within Sedaka, there are two political parties, the UMNO and the PAS. Fifty-eight percent of the village supports the UMNO while thirty-eight percent supports the PAS. "The benefits available to UMNO members are substantial. For wealthy villagers membership may mean the opportunity to receive a taxi license, a small business loan, a permit to operate a small rice mill or a lorry, or a local government job (Scott, 131)." "PAS has led a shadowy local existence. With the exception of a death benefit society, which pays funeral costs for many party members in return for a small annual premium, PAS in Sedaka has become largely an affair of demoralized grumbling, social avoidance, and character assassination (Scott, 132-133)." However, at one point the PAS were very successful in this village. Now, the ruling party within this community is the UMNO
thoughtful critique of Marxian theory April 16, 2010
L. Gilmartin (Fairfield, CT)
James Scott study of the Malaysian village he calls "Sedaka" (alms) shows a unique opposition to Marx's idea of mystifying ideologies. Marx's theory is understood that the core of society is class conflict. This conflict is what drives things forward; it will eventually lead to the proletariat realizing that they are being exploited and a radical reformation of society as it is. The proletariat, no longer chained down by bourgeoisie hegemony, would revolt and cause other epochal change.
The people of Sedaka are portrayed very realistically in the sense that Scott does not leave any element out. He is extremely detailed in his theoretical criticisms as well by arguing against the idea that these people fit into any one theory. Most noticeably, Scott critiques Marx who said that ideologies were mystifying, meaning that the proletariat did not know that they were being exploited. Scott points out rather obviously that these people are well aware of the way in which they are treated and as a result engage in a variety of forms of resistance.
Understanding the village dynamics is key in understanding the ways in which theory can be applied or disproved. Scott uses Chapter one to lay out exactly how the villagers interact with one another. He introduces to opposing extreme characters Razah and Haji Broom. Chapter two explains resistance and its history. It is here where he explores Gramsci's concept of hegemony, which he later disproves. Chapter three explores resistance in the Malaysian context. The relationship between classes as well as the relationship that classes have to the state is also discussed.
During the second half of the book, Scott writes on the changes that occurred due to the green revolution. Major societal changes were a result of double cropping, the mechanization of farming, and combine harvesting. The ideologies that had been upheld for generations began to deteriorate with the arrival of the new ideologies associated with capitalism: greed, self-interest, accumulation, maxim profit at the lowest cost, etc. Scott discusses hegemony and questions whether or not it is upheld by false consciousness, or is slowly being worn down by acts of resistance.
The final two chapters of the book explore more deeply what exactly Scott meant by resistance, what Marx meant by false consciousness, and similarly what Gramsci called hegemony. Scott concludes that even though the term resistance is still debated, in his opinion, the people of Sedaka are actively engaging in both individual and collective acts of resistance. False consciousness and hegemony are two ideas that he sees as false because they imply that the subordinate class is not aware of their position in society.
Weapons of the Weak April 16, 2010
D. Portannese
James Scott's case study examines the lives of individuals living in a minute village in Malaysia, in which he calls Sedaka. This rice-farming community in the region of Kedah has experienced many "green revolutions," making the gap between the villages rich and poor exponentially oppressive. Scott's novel depicts issues of class resistance, class exertion and inherent class powerhouses, offering these matters a sense of both sensible and conjectural significance. The struggle of the poor correlated to their marginalization and their economic negligence. Scott uses many short stories throughout his ethnography, conveying the notion that these chronicles have a much more powerful influence, one that is culturally complex, yet divulges into the true social and societal livelihoods of what has become contextually and ideologically traditional.
Scott first steps into the life of Razak, one of the poorer members of Sedaka, who, because of his lack of access to a resourceful form of transportation and his meager monetary funds, tragically lost both his son and daughter. Razak, a roofer, was considered to be an isolated member of society, constantly being separated from the other men in his village. Razak is referred to as the "down and out" of Sedaka and is deemed virtually an embarrassment to the village. Scott displays Razak as an outcast of society, treated as an unequal, instantly portraying the class system that involved Sedaka. It was evident that other villagers perceived him on a lesser level, emulating that once the majority of the society has formed a sense of superiority, it is rarely discontinued. Scott conveys social norms Kazak experiences every day and how they are constantly forcing him to be in a vulnerably suppressive state, that makes him the decoy for humiliation.
Social standings could be redefined by visitation rights of villagers- "Visiting, except between equals, was always done up the status ladder in the village...the pattern of visits served to define the village status hierarchy" (Scott, 3). Scott conveys that visiting villager's houses was one way to display class difference; those with more maintained houses, were on a higher social level than those whose houses were more run down. There is a direct relationship between religious status and landowning, where the landowners were naturally views as the wealthy class, and were therefore financially able to make the pilgrimage to Mecca. The landowners were also the individuals who owned the means of production in Sedaka and were therefore considered the dominant class. In Muda, land is unequally divided, where 61.8% of families owning land are considered to be below the poverty line. Because the ownership of land is directly related to social standing, Scott implies that this is the reason that there are poor maintain poor- since land is not cheap. In chapter 3 he talks about the economic aspect of the Malay people. The rice trade is what ultimately connects them to the larger market forces. And explains how the growth of industries has not lessened Malaysian reliance of trade. And in chapter four he explains that inequality is evident through and individuals wardrobe, house, they type of food they consume, the furniture they own, their farm equipment or lack thereof, the size of their farm, and ultimately, their income. The population in Sedaka has significantly increased, whereas the amount of available land has remained unchanged, or decreased, proving that there is clearly not enough land, work or money circulating around the region. As capitalism is introduced in chapter 6, it is evident that there becomes less and less work for the poor. Their only means of survival is sharing and offering charity to one another.
Scotts' main focus revolves around the theory of hegemony. Hegemony essentially means the way the dominant class controls the mindset of the oppressed class. The poor are all thinking the way the rich want them to think and they blame themselves for the destruction of the system. Scott argues against this theory, stating that peasants know full well what is going on in their society and that they comprehend every aspect of their society but do not rebel.
 Dense is right April 16, 2010
Miss Scarlet
Although the true definition of "peasant" has lost its value in modern times, there are some general characteristics that still ring true throughout history. Aside from select groups of minorities , the peasant class usually represents the least paid individuals, the least respected or honored, and the most ignored when it comes to politics and legal rights. Throughout history peasants have existed solely as an afterthought to societal changes, and continue to be repressed and exploited by their affluent counterparts. In Weapons of the Weak, James Scott explores why the struggling peasantry do not openly rise up in candid, united rebellion after years of subjugation.
One of the first messages Scott opens with is, "peasant rebellions--let alone peasant revolutions--are few and far between. The vast majority are crushed unceremoniously. When, more rarely, they do succeed, it is a melancholy fact that the consequences are seldom what the peasantry has in mind" (Scott xvi). This excerpt shows one of Scott's explanations for the lack of overt peasant revolution--that even when the peasantry rebel, their poor socioeconomic status will remain intact or pushed farther down the societal food chain. In order to argue his point further, Scott uses a case study of a Malaysian village called "Sedaka" during the time of the Green Revolution. He chooses this particular village to understand the struggle between the rich and the poor as Sedaka applies capitalist methods to their preexisting agricultural methods.
He characterizes "the struggle between the rich and the poor in Sedaka" as "not merely a struggle over work, property rights, grain and cash" but also "a struggle over the appropriation of symbols, [a struggle] over how the past and present shall be understood and labeled, [a struggle] to identify causes and assess blame, and a contentious effort to give partisan meaning to local history" (xvii). Specifically Scott uses the stories of two members of Sedaka, Haji Broom and Razak to illustrate the struggle, and the relationship between the rich and the poor. Razak and Haji Broom are on polar spectrums of the socio-economic society. They depict the general way Sedakan society reacts to the exploitive, arrogant, rich farmers, as well as how they react to the the dishonest, poor, and lazy peasant.
After Scott establishes the interactions between the rich and poor in Sedaka, he discusses the political and social influence they have on each other. Scott's critical argument here is targeted toward a specific (and popular) Marxian theorist named Antonio Gramsci. Unlike Gramsci's theory about false consciousness and hegemony, Scott argues that the peasants do not comply with the will of the bourgeoisie because they don't know better--but because of a multitude of largely material and some ideological reasons. Scott critiques Gramsci, saying that, "the concept of hegemony ignores the extent to which most subordinate classes are able, on the basis of their daily material experience, to penetrate and demystify the prevailing ideology" (38). One reason among others that peasants passively comply with their exploitive employers is called "self-protecting compliance" (280). Instead of active rebellion, peasants quietly resist, soil the reputation of the large farmers (bourgeoisie) and constitute what Scott calls, "the weapons of the weak" (29).
Scott continues his arguments more in depth throughout the chapters, and at the end he asks readers to question Gramsci's strict argument on hegemony and false consciousness. Not only that, but he also brings up Marx's theories, who argues that because the peasants perceive their place in society as normal, they will not rebel because they do not know any better to do so. Scott concludes by conceding that his own theories might seem pessimistic for the prospects of revolutionary change because "petty amenities and minor humanities" (350) are too small of actions to ever create change for the peasantry class. However, he does say that his theories are "a realistic assessment of the fate workers and peasants in most revolutionary states--a fate that makes melancholy reading when set against the revolutionary promise" (350). Because open, universal peasant revolution is rare and often unproductive, Scott writes that it is all the more reason to hold on to the abstract optimism that comes in "ridicule, in truculence, in irony, in petty acts of noncompliance, in foot dragging...to hold one's own against overwhelming odds--a spirit and practice that prevents the worst and promises something better" (350).
Weapons of the Weak April 15, 2010
Patricia Gumbs
There is little debate among contemporary social theorists of the existence of oppression in the world; historically, peasants have always been exploited by the elite classes. The argument in question, then, is not whether this exploitation exists, but how? Why would the proletariat, who are "used and abused" by the wealthy, tolerate such behavior? One of the most popular answers to this timeless question is provided by Karl Marx, who believed in the concept of hegemony. Hegemony is defined simply as "domination."Marx believed that the peasants would not revolt because they "think like the wealthy want them to think." Scott, the author of this captivating ethnography entitled Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, sets out to prove the opposite. According to Scott, the peasants' mindsets are not controlled by the dominant class; the proletariot are fully aware of the situation they are in. Because the poor are rational, however, they choose not to rebel. Rather than revolt against the current system and risk results that might be even more domineering, the poor participate in what is referred to as "partial compliance." This ethnography begins by tackling the background of the reasons for using "everyday forms of resistance," like the Green Revolution. Scott then progresses to outlining the most common types of partial compliance- "the prosaic but constant struggle between the peasantry and those who seek to extract labor, food, taxes, rents, and interest from them" (29). Next, Weapons of the Weak addresses the means by which these acts of quasi obedience are carried out by the poor, along with their level of success when implemented correctly. Finally, this book concludes with Scott's objective of developing "a deeper appreciation of everyday forms of symbolic resistance," and his hope of bringing the "insights from Sedaka in touch with the larger issues of the social experience of class and the typical contexts of class struggle" (304).
In order to be aware of just how significant these forms of partial compliance are, it is first necessary to understand how they are defined. Scott does an excellent job of this. He states that such forms of class struggle "require little or no cooperation or planning" (29). In addition, they often "represent a form of individual self-help," and "typically avoid any direct symbolic confrontation with authority or with elite norms" (29). Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, these acts of defiance are "unlikely to marginally affect the various forms of exploitation that peasants confront" (30). Scott's analysis and description of the "weapons of the weak" are not only comprehensive, but acute. It is through his perceptions of the situation in Sedaka that people less familiar with "partial compliance" can learn about and gain familiarity with this remarkable concept.
Showing reviews 1-5 of 13
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